CAREER DECISION MAKING OF LESBIAN, GAY, AND BISEXUAL INDIVIDUALS

In this article, the career decision making of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals is discussed in the framework of personal (interests, values, and skills) and environmental factors and their interactive influences. Suggestions for research and practice are proposed.

Until the 1980s, the vocational behavior of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals had been largely ignored in the literature. During the past few years, issues pertaining to the career development of these populations have been addressed. Nevertheless, empirical research in this area is still lacking. Phillips, Strohmer, Berthaume, and O'Leary's (1983) proposal of an alternative research paradigm for studying the career development of special populations may be useful in directing research in this area. They suggested that descriptive and explanatory studies are important in a new area of research. Inquiries and hypotheses may be guided by current theories as well as by exploratory analyses of descriptive information revealed during the course of investigation.

Unfortunately, there is a lack of theory guiding counselors' understanding of the vocational behavior of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people. Development of theories is critical for advancing research and practice. Morgan and Brown (1991) have suggested applying minority career development theories (i.e., those pertaining to Blacks and women) to explain the vocational behavior of lesbians. This is a legitimate idea given the similar oppression faced by racial, gender, and sexual minorities (i.e., lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals). In an attempt to explain the career development of lesbians, Morgan and Brown discussed the application of three theoretical models of career development (Astin, 1984; Farmer, 1985; Gottfredson, 1981). Among these three models, Farmer's model seems to be the most promising because of its comprehensiveness, operationalizability, and testability. The model delineates the influence of background characteristics and the interactive effects of personal and environmental factors on an individual's career motivation. Farmer placed more emphasis on the study of personal and environmental factors because they are relatively more viable for intervention than are background variables.

Hetherington (1991) suggested that the personal and environmental factors influencing lesbians' and gay men's career decision making might be quite different from those for heterosexual people. But the existing literature on the vocational behavior of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals has focused primarily on environmental factors without much attention given to personal factors (e.g., career interests, values, and skills). Belz (1993) also emphasized the consideration of personal factors as well as external influences. To advance the understanding of the vocational behavior of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals, there is a need to conduct more empirical studies exploring the influences of personal and environmental factors on the career decision-making process of these populations.

This article discusses personal and environmental factors in the career decision making of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. Although Farmer's (1985) personal factors include a variety of psychological and cognitive components (e.g., sex role orientation, achievement style), in this article, the discussion of personal factors focuses on the career interests, values, and skills of an individual because these factors are of central importance to a person's career decision making. Environmental factors discussed in this article focus on the barriers that lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals may encounter in the workplace. This article extends previous reviews by offering (a) an exploration of personal factors and their relations to environmental factors in the career decision making of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals; (b) a critical review of the empirical literature; and (c) directions for research and practice.

Personal and environmental factors in relation to sexual orientation are discussed. Then the career decision making of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals is explored, taking into account the interactive effects of personal and environmental factors. After a discussion of some methodological issues in research, the article concludes with implications for practice.

PERSONAL FACTORS Interests

There is a common stereotype that lesbians and gay men are attracted to nontraditional occupations for their gender. Some stereotypical occupations for gay men are photographer, interior decorator, nurse, and hairdresser, whereas auto mechanic, plumber, and truck driver are stereotypical occupations for lesbians (Botkin & Daily, 1987; Whitam & Mathy, 1986).

Whitam (1983) reported that 40% to 50% of the gay male respondents in Brazil, the Philippines, and the United States indicated occupations related to arts and entertainment as their ideal occupations, as compared with only 5% to 10% of the heterosexual men who aspired to such occupations. On the basis of their research in Brazil, Guatemala, the Philippines, and the United States, Whitam and Mathy (1986) concluded that gay men's career choices are quite different from those of heterosexual men. They suggested that gay men are overrepresented in occupations related to house and home, embellishment, language, helping professions, grooming, entertainment, and the arts. According to Whitam and Mathy, gay men tend to dislike occupations involving manipulation of heavy machinery and physical aggression (e.g., law enforcement and military). Whitam and Mathy further suggested that the influence of sexual orientation is not only in the choice of fields and professions, but also specialties within fields. Unfortunately, those authors failed to specify how they sampled and surveyed their respondents, calling into question the validity of their findings. It is possible that the gay respondents they surveyed were more open about their sexual orientation and hence the survey findings may not generalize to closeted gay men.

Chung and Harmon (1994) investigated the career interests and aspirations of gay men, using Holland's (1985a) occupational classification system. They compared gay and heterosexual men of equivalent age, socioeconomic background, ethnic background, student status, and educational level. Results suggested that, compared with heterosexual men, gay men scored lower on the Realistic and Investigative scales but higher on the Artistic and Social scales of the Self-Directed Search (Holland, 1985b). Gay men's career aspirations were also less traditional for men. These findings coincide with common stereotypes about gay men's nontraditional career choices as well as some of Whitam and Mathy's (1986) contentions about the occupations that gay men dislike (i.e., those involving manipulation of heavy machinery) and prefer (i.e., arts and social services). Chung and Harmon's study needs to be replicated, especially because their sample was limited to highly educated men and participants were recruited from one geographic area.

No empirical study has explored the career interests of lesbians and bisexual men and women, although there are speculations about lesbians' nontraditional career choice (e.g., Morgan & Brown, 1991). Therefore, research exploring the relation between sexual orientation and career interests is encouraged, especially the study of lesbians and bisexuals. Two questions deserve attention regarding such research: How can the relation between sexual orientation and career interests be studied? Why does sexual orientation relate to career interests?

Chung and Harmon's (1994) use of Holland's (1985a) occupational classification system seems to be a useful strategy to explore the career interests of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. Furthermore, Gati's (1991) hierarchical model of Holland's six vocational fields may be helpful in interpreting Chung and Harmon's findings. In contrast to Holland's hexagonal model, Gati's model specified three clusters to represent the relationships among the six Holland fields: Realistic-Investigative (R-I), Artistic-Social (A-S), and Enterprising-Conventional (E-C). In Chung and Harmon's study, heterosexual and gay men differed in the first two clusters only, with heterosexual men scoring higher on the first cluster (R-I) and gay men scoring higher on the second cluster (A-S). Future research may explore the relation between sexual orientation and the three vocational clusters.

More investigations with men and women of different sexual orientations might generate theories to explain the relation between sexual orientation and career interests. Chung and Harmon (1994) suggested a theory to explain the nontraditional career interests and aspirations of gay men. They hypothesized that gay men's nontraditional career interests and aspirations are caused by their nontraditional sex role orientation. Yet this hypothetical rationale was not supported by their data. Hetheringten (1991), Hetherington and Orzek (1989), and Morgan and Brown (1991) have suggested a similar theory about lesbians' career choices. In addition to nontraditional sex role orientation, economic necessity was also suggested by these authors as a factor contributing to lesbians' career choices in male-dominated fields. Without a male partner, who is more likely to obtain a better-paid job in our society, a lesbian may need to pursue a male-dominated type of job for self-support. These hypotheses about lesbians may be tested empirically.

Values

Work values (e.g., achievement, work condition, status, interpersonal environment, security, autonomy) play an important role in a person's career decision making. One unique work value for lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals may be the importance of being lesbian, gay, or bisexual in relation to work. Some individuals may place high value on being able to express their sexual orientation through work (e.g., artwork, writing, and political action). Another important consideration is whether individuals can express their sexual orientation at and outside of work (e.g., displaying a picture of one's partner on the desk, discussing with colleagues activities involving one's partner, and bringing one's partner to a social function with coworkers).

The importance of expressing one's sexual orientation seems more relevant for lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals than for heterosexuals in career decision making because the expression of sexual orientation is taken for granted by heterosexuals. Furthermore, there are individual differences among lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals in their work values. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals may subscribe to different work values because of their sexual identity development. Openly lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals may place more emphasis on pursuing a career that allows for expression of their sexual orientation through, at, and outside of work. Closeted individuals may make their career choices based on more traditional work values (e.g., achievement, status, stability) while at the same time seeking out job opportunities that allow for gay-related activities (e.g., a large city that offers greater anonymity). Also, the work values of a bisexual person may depend on the gender of the person's partner. A bisexual person with a same-sex partner may have different work values than one with an opposite-sex partner. The foregoing hypotheses and questions need to be examined empirically.

Regarding more traditional work values, Chung and Harmon's (1994) study has some implications about the socioeconomic level of gay men's career aspirations. They found that gay men's career aspirations were less traditional regarding the field but were not lower in status than were those of heterosexual men, suggesting a lack of relation between sexual orientation and the work value of socioeconomic status. These results were unexpected because nontraditional occupations for men are usually associated with lower socioeconomic status (Stevens & Hoisington, 1987). One may suspect that these results stem from the fact that most of the respondents were highly educated. Therefore, replication of the study with participants at lower educational levels will be helpful.

Chung and Harmon (1994) suggested that the sex type and prestige of their respondents' career aspirations may be related to being gay and being male, respectively. In other words, gay and heterosexual men's significant differences in traditionality of career aspirations may be related to sexual-orientation differences, whereas their non-significant difference in prestige level of aspirations may be because they were all men. This hypothetical interaction between sexual orientation and gender identity on a person's career aspiration merits further investigations using different samples. On the other hand, Chung and Harmon's findings may be viewed from the framework of Gottfredson's (1981) circumscription and compromise theory of career aspiration. According to her theory of circumscription, acceptable range of career aspirations along the dimension of sex type is developed most early in life, followed by the dimensions of prestige and career interest. Career compromise, on the other hand, proceeds in the reverse order of these dimensions. Chung and Harmon's gay respondents did not sacrifice prestige for their nontraditional career interests. A longitudinal or retrospective study (cf. Leung & Harmon, 1990) may be used to explore lesbian, gay, and bisexual peoples' circumscription and compromise of career aspirations along the dimensions of sex type, prestige, and interest.

On the basis of their literature review, Poole, Langan-Fox, Ciavarella, and Omodei (1991) suggested that men tend to seek extrinsic rewards from jobs (e.g., salary, status, opportunities for promotion), whereas women seek intrinsic rewards (e.g., personal interest and job satisfaction). Considering the hypothesis that lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals are more likely than heterosexuals to have nontraditional career interests for their gender, researchers may explore the intrinsic and extrinsic work values of these populations. Do gay and bisexual men tend to seek intrinsic rewards, whereas lesbian and bisexual women tend to seek extrinsic rewards? If so, why? Answers to these and other questions will be helpful for understanding the career decisions of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals.

Skills

The relation between sexual orientation and vocational skills has been totally ignored in the literature, but it is certainly an important question for research. Investigations of the various skills evident in the lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations will be helpful for counselors to promote their clients' realization of their potential. Such knowledge will be helpful also for an understanding of the contributions of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people in society.

Although there is no direct theoretical or empirical basis to guide an inquiry, it is reasonable to assume the interactive development of interests and skills (cf. Lent, Lopez, & Bieschke, 1991). Because existing data support the common beliefs about gay men's nontraditional career interests, researchers may explore lesbian, gay and bisexual people's vocational skills in traditional and nontraditional fields for their gender. Are gay men blessed with social and artistic abilities? Do lesbians excel in "masculine" skills such as machinery and outdoor activities? Are bisexual individuals more balanced in traditional and nontraditional skills?

Sex role socialization plays an important role in the development of vocational skills. People are afforded much more opportunity and encouragement to develop skills that are considered appropriate for their gender than to develop nontraditional skills. Consider a group of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals who have nontraditional interests for their gender. Will their fears of being labeled "tomboy," "sissy," or "homosexual" influence their development of traditional and nontraditional skills? Can they manage to develop adequate skills in traditional areas as well as to pursue nontraditional areas that are of interest to them? How do these individuals develop different coping mechanisms? These are just a few questions relevant to studying the traditionality of vocational skills among different sexual-orientation groups.

Lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals are often accused of incompetence in certain occupations, something to be tested empirically. For example, lesbians and gay men are often amused of being incapable of performing competently in the military. This accusation should be examined by empirical investigation of the military ability of gay and lesbian personnel. Researchers are encouraged to examine this and other myths by providing scientific evidence.

A related question regarding vocational skills is the professional conduct of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. Those who are lesbian, gay, and bisexual are often considered not suitable for certain occupations because of their alleged tendency to behave unprofessionally. For example, lesbians and gay men are considered not suitable for the military because of their alleged tendency to sexually harass heterosexual colleagues; nor are they considered suitable for child care because of their alleged tendency to molest children. Existing evidence (cf. Herek, 1993) has suggested that these accusations are not tenable. Continuous efforts are encouraged to refute such accusations.

ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS

There are certain barriers in the work environment that are faced by lesbians, gay men, and bisexual individuals (Croteau & Hedstrom, 1993; Elliott, 1993; Hetherington, 1991; Hetherington, Hillerbrand, & Etringer, 1989; Hetherington & Orzek, 1989; Morgan & Brown, 1991; Winkelpleck & Wesfield, 1982). Because research and practical implications pertaining to environmental factors have been extensively discussed in the aforementioned articles as well as other articles in this special issue, these factors are only summarized here. Major environmental barriers include (a) job discrimination; (b) perceived inappropriateness of certain occupations for lesbians and gay men; (c) homophobia, negative stereotypes, and societal stigmas; and (d) fear of AIDS in the workplace.

Job discrimination based on sexual orientation is a common concern for sexual minority groups. Employer statements protecting the equality of employment opportunity regardless of sexual orientation are exceptions rather than the rule. Furthermore, there are explicitly legalized discriminations against homosexuals such as employment in the military and national security (McCrary & Gutierrez, 1979/1980). The ban against lesbians and gay men in the military has been in heated debate in recent years. A number of reasons have been used to support the ban; chief among them are questions about lesbians' and gay men's ability to perform their duties, security risks, and risk for AIDS (Herek, 1993). Although President Clinton attempted to lift the ban, the resulting policy (commonly known as "Don't ask, don't tell") does not provide a safe and comfortable environment for a lesbian, gay, or bisexual person to serve in the military.

Certain occupations (e.g., teacher, clergyperson, physician, child care worker) are considered by many heterosexuals to be inappropriate for lesbians and gay men for fear of their "negative" influence on the people they serve (Hetherington, 1991). For example, parents may fear that their children will be repulsed by the sexual orientation of a lesbian, gay, or bisexual teacher and that the teacher may teach their children to accept homosexuality, "recruit" their children to become homosexual, or sexually molest their children. Some other occupations are considered inappropriate for lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals for similar or other reasons, such as religious beliefs and fear of sexual harassment and misconduct by lesbian, gay, and bisexual people.

An openly or suspected lesbian, gay, or bisexual individual may be disliked by coworkers solely because of his or her sexual orientation. He or she may experience isolation, avoidance, negative attitudes, harassment, or even physical assault in the workplace because of people's homophobia, negative stereotypes, and societal stigmas. Perception of receptivity in the work environment is likely to affect lesbian, gay, and bisexual people's career decisions as well as how "out" they can afford to be in the workplace.

AIDS is a deadly disease that has become a major threat to human beings since the 1970s. Because AIDS has commonly been perceived as associated with homosexuality, many heterosexuals are afraid of homosexuals for fear of contracting AIDS through any physical contact with them. Despite numerous efforts in AIDS education, such irrational fear is still evident in many heterosexuals. Therefore, the fear of AIDS has become one additional reason why lesbian, gay, and bisexual people may not be welcome in the workplace.

Apparently, it is important for lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals to be aware of job discrimination and receptivity in various work settings to make informed career decisions. Unfortunately, only a few empirical studies have documented actual or suspected incidents of employment discrimination based on an individual's sexual orientation (Morgan & Brown, 1991). Elliott (1993) emphasized the need for information about job discrimination, prejudice, and receptivity in various professions, companies, and geographic areas. Providing such information will be helpful for lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals in career decision making.

It is also evident that more efforts are needed to educate the public to reduce irrational fears of AIDS in the workplace. Although an individual may understand that AIDS is not likely to be contracted through casual contact, the person may not be able to be free of such irrational fears. Therefore, researchers are encouraged to design innovative interventions to effectively educate people as well as to mitigate their irrational fears.

CAREER DECISION MAKING

As suggested by major career development theories, personal and environmental factors play an interactive role in career decision making. On the basis of the foregoing discussion, it seems that lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals may be more likely than heterosexuals to have nontraditional career interests and skills for their gender. On the other hand, our society is not very receptive to such nontraditional orientation. Those who pursue a nontraditional career are often devalued, stigmatized, or suspected of being homosexual. Some of them may respond to social pressure and pursue less fulfilling but traditional careers. Others may persist in nontraditional aspirations and have to deal with negative attitudes from family, friends, and colleagues.

Chung and Harmon (1994) suggested that because of gay men's nontraditional career interests and because of environmental barriers, there is a catch-22 for gay men who pursue nontraditional as well as traditional careers for men. Gay men pursuing nontraditional careers may face sex role pressures and the risk of being identified as homosexual. Gay men pursuing male-dominated careers may experience more negative attitudes from conservative heterosexual colleagues and may go without social support because there is a lack of gay colleagues. The process of juggling between one's nontraditional interests and environmental barriers is certainly an important issue to investigate.

Another important consideration is the interaction of work values and environmental factors in the process of career decision making. Researchers are encouraged to investigate how work values might be a function of environmental barriers. For example, some individuals may focus on achievement values and work diligently to refute negative societal stigmas of homosexuals or to keep themselves busy as an excuse for not having time to date people of the opposite sex. Job security may be an important factor for some individuals in fear of job discrimination based on their sexual orientation. Geographic location may be a concern for some individuals because of the importance of gay culture and receptivity by the community in which they work (Elliott, 1993). It will be useful to study how environmental factors differentially affect the work values of different lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals and the reasons for such individual differences.

To choose a career fulfilling one's career interests, values, and skills in the face of environmental barriers is certainly not an easy task for lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. Unfortunately, to date there is only one empirical study that has explored the career decision-making process of these populations. Etringer, Hillerbrand, and Hetherington (1990) hypothesized that lesbians and gay men have more difficulty in career decision making than do heterosexuals. They compared heterosexual and homosexual men and women on their need for information, and on career-choice anxiety, indecisiveness, satisfaction, and uncertainty. They found significant sex-by-sexual orientation interactions on career-choice uncertainty and satisfaction. Gay men scored highest and lesbians scored lowest on career-choice uncertainty. Heterosexual women scored highest on career-choice dissatisfaction, followed by gay men. These findings, however, are suggestive at best because of the methodological limitations of the study (small sample, low response rate, different sampling methods for recruiting heterosexual and homosexual participants, single-item measures, and nonsigniFicant simple main-effects). Therefore, replications of the study using improved methods are encouraged.

Recently, researchers have directed their efforts in using psychological measures to identify individuals' career-indecision status and reasons. For example, My Vocational Situation (Holland, Daiger, & Power, 1980) includes three scales assessing career decision status and reasons: Identity, Occupational Information, and Barriers. The Career Factors Inventory employed in Etringer et al.'s (1990) study has been revised by Chartrand, Robbins, Morrill, and Boggs (1990). This revised scale is a multidimensional measure of career indecision with two information factors (need for career information and need for self-knowledge) and two personal-emotional factors (career-choice anxiety and generalized indecisiveness). Jones (1989) developed the Career Decision Profile to differentiate individuals according to four reasons of career indecision: lack of self-clarity, lack of knowledge about occupations, indecisiveness, and career choice importance. Savickas and Jarjoura (1991) employed the Career Decision Scale (Osipow, Carney, Winer, Yanico, & Koschier, 1976) as a type indicator of career indecision.

Unfortunately, the aforementioned scales were not designed to measure the career concerns unique to lesbians, gay men, and bisexual individuals. For example, scales concerning the need for occupational information do not address lesbian, gay, and bisexual people's need for information about job discrimination and receptivity based on sexual orientation. More important, current career-decision scales do not address the reality of conflicts between an individual's sexual orientation and the oppressive work environment. A person may have a clear career orientation, adequate understanding of the work environment, and a good idea of where he or she fits regarding a career choice. Yet the fear of entering an oppressive work environment because of one's sexual orientation may be an obstacle for career decision. Researchers are encouraged to expand existing career-decision scales or to develop new scales that incorporate the common concerns of heterosexual and lesbian, gay, and bisexual people and the unique issues faced by sexual minority groups. Croteau and Hedstrom (1993) suggested that such an integration of commonalties and differences is important for working with lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients.

Furthermore, career decision making is not only about choices of career but also about career adjustment. Decisions regarding passing (i.e., staying in the closet) or coming out in the workplace, and concerns about partner and career are important decisions for lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals (Elliott, 1993; Hetherington, 1991; Hetherington et al., 1989; Hetherington & Orzek, 1989; Winkelpleck & Westfeld, 1982). Research is sorely needed to investigate how lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals decide to pass or come out in the workplace, how they resolve conflicts between partner and career, and the consequences of their decisions.

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES

Methodological issues pertaining to lesbian, gay, and bisexual studies have been discussed elsewhere (cf. Buhrke, Ben-Ezra, Hurley, & Ruprecht, 1992; Chung & Katayama, in press). Nevertheless, one important issue that deserves attention in this article is the question of between-group studies versus within-group studies.

Between-group methods as applied to lesbian, gay, and bisexual studies usually involve comparing lesbian, gay, or bisexual participants with heterosexuals. This approach is particularly helpful in a new area of research such as the vocational behavior of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. It provides descriptive data that form the foundation for further inquiry and theory building. On the other hand, this approach may be criticized for (a) using one group (usually heterosexuals) as norms for comparison; (b) a tendency to stereotype; and (c) a lack of consideration of within-group differences. Therefore, researchers using this approach need to avoid implicit or explicit implication of heterosexuals as norms or standards. Consumers of between-group studies also need to keep in mind that findings of group differences (or lack thereof) should only be used as their knowledge base for working hypotheses when counseling lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients and should not be used to stereotype clients.

Within-group methods are complementary to between-group methods and refer to the study of individual differences within a group. One important value of within-group methods as applied to lesbian, gay, and bisexual studies is the identification of unique factors that operate differently among different sexual-orientation groups. For example, one may study how bisexual identity development may relate to one's career decision making. This within-group factor (bisexual identity development) may be influential in the vocational behavior of bisexual individuals but less influential, or even irrelevant, to nonbisexual individuals.

Existing empirical research studying the vocational behavior of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals has relied on between-group methods (e.g., Chung & Harmon, 1994; Etringer et al., 1990; Whitam, 1983; Whitam & Mathy, 1986). This phenomenon may reflect the natural development of a new area of inquiry. A more balanced use of the two methods is encouraged and the utility and limitations of the two approaches should be realized.

PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS

Although there are only a few empirical studies about the vocational behavior of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals, some practical implications may be made cautiously, based on the issues discussed in this article. It is important to consider personal and environmental factors when doing career counseling with lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients. Counselors need to be sensitive to clients' possible nontraditional career interests and skills as well as special work values that are related to their sexual orientation. Provision and exploration of information about various work environments for sexual minority groups would be helpful. The research questions discussed in this article regarding the interactive effects of personal and environmental factors may be used as working hypotheses and questions with individual clients in discussing career decisions. Finally, as Croteau and Hedstrom (1993) suggested, issues common to clients in general and factors unique to lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients should be explored and integrated.

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By Y. Barry Chung

Y. Barry Chung is a graduate student in counseling psychology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. A version of this article was presented at the 1994 National Career Development Association National Conference in Albuquerque, New Mexico. The author thanks Lenore W. Harmon for her helpful suggestions. Correspondence regarding this article should be sent to Y. Barry Chung, Department of Educational Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 210 Education Building, 1310 S. Sixth St., Champaign, IL 61820.